Sunday, February 16, 2014

A Bit About Me and What I Dig


   The individuals whom I find inspiration in embody in their work and achievements a drive, originality, purpose, intellect and focus which I feel are qualities worth building in oneself to work and achieve success in the same fields. The term “musician” just might not entirely convey that someone who plays an instrument creatively also operates in the world as a scholar, intellectual, philosopher, educator, or perhaps worker for social and artistic justice. Another idea that does not often come to mind when the musician title is brought up is the idea that a player of a musical instrument is also a community creator/participant and someone who conceptually parallels their spiritual and social awareness along with their music making. I find these qualities in individuals like Vijay Iyer, Hafez Modirzadeh, and Dr. Anthony Brown who all are scholars in cross-cultural exchange in music making, who all practice an outward participation and cultivating of their musical and creative communities, who utilized higher education to achieve the highest levels of expertise and yet stay true to a creative spirit. I also find inspiration in the music and careers of Nels Cline and Charlie Hunter. I find tremendous inspiration in their improvising, performing, and writing yet both are also intellectually brilliant minds and who did not earn their expertise through academia yet have achieved tremendous success and notoriety for their unique and creative voices. There is great value in hearing them discuss the professional and creative aspects of the music world.         
   As I reflect on my experiences I find that those things that interest me have manifested in certain skill sets or at least things that I can cultivate to create more skill sets. I understand the principles of quality in relation to music making. Much of this has come from listening back to records of myself playing different gigs and rehearsals and has allowed me to develop an intuitive sense of my personal aesthetic in ensemble dynamic and composition. As much as I enjoy attaining knowledge I also enjoy imparting knowledge I find to be a crucial in my learning process that I then seek to analyze and interpret in order to impart. I am a seeker of fresh ideas and information to conceptualize, discuss, demonstrate and teach. I have a skill set that comes from my seven years of building professional experience. These skills include leading bands, arranging paying gigs, finding paying students, bringing musicians together, sharing the benefits of a communal practice, composing music that players find unique and interesting, professional and musical reliability.

MUSICIAN, TEACHER with 7 years experience playing and teaching professionally in San Francisco and elsewhere around the Bay Area.  Multiple styles of guitar and electric bass including Jazz, Funk, Rock, Blues, and Experimental music. Performances at venue shows, cafes, wine bars, restaurants, corporate and private events. Unaccompanied jazz guitar playing, trio playing. Teacher of private lessons for beg/int/adv guitar, electric bass, and theory. Arrangements for small/medium ensembles and notate charts and scores. Composer of original music in all of the above styles. Studio-produced CD of original funk music and countless live recordings all representing the variety of different playing scenarios and styles.


Sunday, February 9, 2014

The Social Music Industry



   If you were to look at the term “music industry” as compartmented into two categories: major record label interests and the interests of the artists, you would also see how the two and the whole, are being very rapidly ushered into a new phase as a result of the effects of social media. The term “social media” obviously implies Facebook and Twitter but should not be restricted to those. Sites like Spotify and Pandora should also be understood as examples of social media because as far as the two halves that make up the greater industry of music are concerned, these sites are successfully shortening the distance between the artist and the listener creating more accessibility to world-wide audiences. These effects are supported by data trends measuring the effects of sites like Twitter, Facebook, Pandora, Soundcloud, Spotify, and even Wikipedia on album sales, track sales, and future predictions of sales so that the industry develop effective marketing strategies. The next phase the music industry will find itself in will be one dominated by subscription-based streaming provided by what are now the top sights in this area: Spotify and Pandora. These sites allow the listener to create a hybrid media platform combining the concept of radio, the listener’s personal library, and the readily accessible “recommended” option for finding new music. Enabling artists to be paid for the streaming of their recordings is one feature of Spotify that a particular individual by the name of Matt Farley was able to ingeniously exploit. Farley spends most of his time writing comical al beit ridiculous little songs which he can compose in under a minute before uploading them to Spotify where he has amassed an astounding 14,000 songs. The purpose behind this is that with so many songs on Spotify, each playing for two dollars, Farley rakes in up to $23,000 a year in income just from these songs and counting. Granted this is an extreme example it still goes to show the profound potential of how streaming and interconnectivity between artists and listeners has created a system where a person, in this case a virtually unknown Farley, can make a living writing his own songs via Spotify’s service. In the realms of Facebook and Twitter where artists can build a communal fan base and interact with that fan base, items like hashtags and social media feeds can keep fans updated with the most current material belonging to an artist as well as help promote concerts and market both records and merchandise. For both artists and execs the way forward is based on a simple formula: when someone streams a band they will listen to that band and then share for others to experience.





Friday, February 7, 2014

The Beatles in Hamburg


In commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of The Beatles' performance on the Ed Sullivan Show, I present this thoroughly researched piece on a very over-looked period of the band's history yet one that would prove to be the turning point for their success.           

             We are all very familiar with the imagery and music that the mention of the name,  The Beatles, evokes: four skinny, mop-top British lads with endearing smiles, wearing tight grey and black suits, ties, and heeled boots singing in angelic harmonies about youthful love and infatuation to jangly yet rhythmic guitar strumming and crisp, driving drum and hi-hat beats. Other images and sounds accompany this as well: massive throngs of fans mobbing limousines and charging police barricades, the volcanic cacophony of thousands of screaming girls tearing at their own hair, weeping, and fainting. Much of the imagery of Beatlemania was the result of the unprecedented boom in the merchandising industry. The faces of John, Paul, George, and Ringo adorned lunchboxes, lapel pins, posters, dolls, and their signature mop-top hairstyle was a marketed product in the form of “Beatles Wigs”. All of these aspects of The Beatles and the sensation surrounding their success in the early sixties are well known throughout the tiers of popular culture and its history. Every aspect of the image of the Beatles during Beatlemania is a personal possession of every subsequent generation of Beatles fans. Their guitars, their on-stage movements and stances, and even the Times New Roman print of the band’s name on the head of Ringo’s kick drum are what characterize the unforgettable image of the greatest band in the history of music, a band with an image that has always belonged to their fans.
             It is widely known yet not often acknowledged in the day-to-day discussions or popular references to the Beatles that they had a much different image in those early days. The most familiar terms heard in referencing the pre-Beatlemania era of their history are “the Quarrymen” and “the Cavern Club”. In the broader scope of layman’s history, these two aspects seem to bleed together, one right after the other, before being overshadowed by the advent of Beatlemania, the Royal Command performance, and the Beatles’ first arrival in the US. This is a common occurrence in historical periods that take a back seat to the more prominent and popularly referenced eras. Scholarly examination of the Beatles history has revealed consensus on three major factors, in addition to the capability of the band’s own personas and musical cohesion that lead to the success of the Beatles as the ultimate force of popular culture they became. The key to their popular success, ie, their image and marketing success was through the influence of Brian Epstein and his astute vision of the band’s potential and the means of achieving that potential. The second was George Martin with his masterful knowledge of recording studio techniques and aesthetic vision that allowed the band to create the quality of iconic pop music they did. But the third and most under-acknowledged factor, that would allow the first two factors to take place along with the development of the musical abilities of the band themselves, was Hamburg. The importance of the Beatles’ first trip to Hamburg, Germany in the late summer of 1960 to perform in the clubs and bars on the Reeperbahn in Hamburg’s St. Pauli district cannot be overstated in how it shaped the band’s persona and honed their musical chops as an ensemble.
             The environment into which the Beatles were plunged provided them with the opportunity for long hours of playing for audiences who demanded a certain level of musical and aesthetic entertainment. This five month period built the Beatles’ act and sound through trial and error, spontaneous adaption and incorporation of repertoire, resources for stage presence, and endurance. All of these qualities achieved during the first Hamburg trip would accompany and serve the band throughout the rise of their world conquest.  It is safe to say that without the opportunity to go to Hamburg, the Beatles would not have been the Beatles the world knows and loves. Even during the Hamburg stint, the Beatles as a band were nothing like the band they would become. Their performance style, music, dress, and even the members of the group were a far cry away from the Beatles of the masses. Closer examination of the Hamburg trip from August to December 1960, reveals an eye opening, and to a certain degree almost unimaginable, tale of miraculous events and occurrences that belie the popular conception of the Beatles as individuals and as a group.
             The Hamburg excursion saw not the Beatles everyone knows and loves but rather a different Beatles of stark contrast; absent of the cuddly, endearing qualities that made the band known to the world. Delving into the Hamburg history of the band reveals a tale of dark, dingy, clubs with decrepit stages, long hours of intoxicated frenetic playing for boisterous and unruly German audiences, sweaty and filthy lifestyles wrought with the constant consumption of alcohol, amphetamines, and sex. The Hamburg period is also a tale of relationships and artistic inspiration, of the coming together of creative minds and personalities. For the Beatles, Hamburg was an adventure that made a collection of rock and roll devoted Liverpool novices into “The Beatles”, the band that would conquer and change popular music and culture forever. My goal and purpose in the course of this examination is to bring to light the story of the Beatles in Hamburg through outlining the intimate details of those five months that make up this obscure yet mesmerizing tale while affirming the lasting importance of this period on the band’s subsequent history. “Germany gave the Beatles their first great audience with ambitions of its own, one that rose to meet them in their ambition. The first audience to challenge the group, force them past their limits; to urge and adore them in their wildness, their profanity and ecstasy. . .No invisible wall separated the Beatles from those who had paid to be stimulated by them” (McKinney 32).                              
                                                           The Road to Hamburg
             The road to Hamburg for the Beatles began with a problem. Not even their own problem, but rather a problem of their acting booking agent and manager Allan Williams. Williams was a magnate for the Liverpool music scene as well as the owner of a coffee bar called the Jacaranda which attracted a clientele of college students and Rock n’ Rollers. The bar had become a hub of the Liverpool art and music scene after Williams had demonstrated his efficiency as a booker and a promoter after the production of a Rock n’ Roll feature show at the Liverpool boxing arena with a bill of local Liverpool acts. In conjunction with Larry Parnes, the top promoter and talent scout for the emerging British rock scene, Williams’ efforts marked the first consolidation of the rock community in Liverpool. Many local bands were exposed to one another and networking connections became exchanged and future collaborations possible. The vibrancy of the scene was enhanced as bands attended one another’s performances and passed along new repertoire material.
             With Williams in the picture, the interest in his coffee bar as a hangout spot and developing hub of the scene increased. The “whose who” of the rock music scene came to congregate and consume the cheap espresso, toast, beans, and the ever fervent mingling and discussion of musician and rock related topics. The Jacaranda’s popularity was further enhanced by the weekly performance of a West Indian Steel band in the makeshift stage and rehearsal space in the Jacaranda’s basement where an enthusiastic clientele would spend all night watching. The recurring performances were a great source of promotion and income for Williams and his problem occurred when the steel drum band failed to show up for the regular Tuesday night performance. Trying to figure out what other location for employment this band could have found, Williams initially had suspected a rival who owned a competing restaurant had convinced the band to jump ship. But through word-of-mouth Williams soon learned that the steel band had traveled to Hamburg, Germany. Puzzled by this choice of location, Williams also soon learned that the German city was home to a thriving cabaret district where clubs and bars featuring live rock bands took a back seat in reputation to the assorted businesses providing live sex displays and services. The demand for American music was augmented by the presence of British and American service men plus foreign sailors who frequented the bustling port city.
             Feeling this to be a potential untapped source of employment for Liverpool groups, Williams traveled to Hamburg to see for himself. In Hamburg, the potential for opportunity appeared to be great as the only competition against the Liverpool groups were knock-off German and Indonesian Elvis bands. Having come across a club called the Kaiserkeller, Williams sought out the owner and proprietor, Bruno Koschmider “…introducing himself as the manager of the world’s best rock and roll groups…Koschmider inquired if they were as good as Tommy Steele. Williams assured him they were better than Elvis Presley” (Norman 83). Unfortunately for Allan Williams the cassette of recordings he had brought to Hamburg to play for potential employers was nothing but audio white noise and no actual music. This didn’t seem to leave things sitting very well for Williams’ prospect of bringing the Liverpool talent to Hamburg. But low and behold, Bruno Koschmider had retained enough of an interest in the original proposal to travel to Great Britain himself to see the British bands. Arriving in London, not Liverpool, he came upon the 2 I’s coffee bar where he discovered and recruited Tony Sheridan. The following evening Allan Williams came to the 2 I’s with Derry & the Seniors. Koschmider was also impressed by their performance and formally hired them to play at his Kaiserkeller club. Both Tony Sheridan and Derry & the Seniors quickly became popular acts leading Koschmider to write Williams about sending another band to perform in another one of his clubs called the Indra. Williams’ first two choices for the offer were higher up on the Liverpool scene’s totem pole. Both Rory Storm & the Hurricanes and Gerry & the Pacemakers turned down the offer leaving Williams with a third yet tentative choice of the Beatles. Following a disappointing tour of Scotland where the Beatles were on a bill backing Johnny Gentle, they were sitting idle in Liverpool once again without a drummer. Maintaining only one gig at Mona Best’s Casbah club, they quickly considered her son, Pete Best who had been drumming for the Blackjacks before their recent breakup. Pete was a relatively capable drummer and had been familiar with John, Paul, and George for a while before further attracting their aesthetic interest with a newly purchased drumkit. At the invitation of Paul, Pete accepted the offer to join the group and go to Hamburg.
                                                            The City of Hamburg
             Hamburg sits on the River Elbe at the southern edge of the Jutland Peninsula in Northern Germany. Hamburg’s history as a settlement dates back to approximately 810 CE when it was established as a fortress to protect Christian missionaries. Early in its history it became a port where merchants could conduct free trade subsequently leading to the consolidating of a vibrant sea trading community. Hamburg’s plight during the Second World War would eventually transform it into the Hamburg that the Bealtes would come to experience. The Allied fire bombings of the city claimed 50% of its residential area, 40% of its industrial section, 80% of its port, and 55 thousand lives. Many lines can be drawn between the aftermath of the Third Reich and what Hamburg’s St. Pauli district came to be and represent. The Reeperbahn was not just a hub for boundless forms of entertainment and pleasure but also a cesspool of gang violence, drug and weapons smuggling, as well as a presiding mob presence that reaped all of the monetary benefits. Many authors who recount the Bealtes’ Hamburg days touch on this correlation including Devin McKinney in his book The Bealtes: In Dream and History who eloquently summarizes the state of both Germany and Hamburg’s national and cultural psyche: “In the absence of some sense of self-determination, one will gravitate to an underground where the roles are fiercest and freest and the lower creatures of a desexed and disempowered society can run and shoot and screw in a shadow society of their own making” (McKinney 30).
             The audiences that awaited the Bealtes’ in Hamburg were seeking a visceral quality of entertainment whose popularity was already repainting the modern German cultural landscape just over a decade after the events of World War Two and the Holocaust. The Reeperbahn was a product of the German social environment just as the Bealtes were a product of the Liverpool environment. Their own individual life experiences up to that point in front of the backdrop of Liverpool society and expectations had led them to take on a challenge like the Reeperbahn in hopes of the opportunity it could bring. McKinny goes on to tie the city of Hamburg to the Beatles: “But this new phenomenon, unique in rock and roll to this point, lies in the collision between one irresistible force (the Bealtes) and one immovable object (Germany), each with its own freight of history, memory, psychology, passion, prejudice” (McKinney 30).
                                                            Repertoire & Equipment
“In addition to making vast improvements in the Beatles’ technique, stamina, and stage presentation, these long sessions required a doubling of repertoire” (Everett 85).           
             In the study of the Beatles’ first Hamburg period, it is important to touch on the content of the band’s repertoire both during and leading up to their first engagement. Although the group had gone through various incarnations and names from when they were the “Quarry Men”, then “Johnny & the Moondogs”, “the Silver Beatles”, and finally just “the Beatles”, the repertoire explored and incorporated by John, Paul, and George continued to build and adjust each year from 1956 to 1960. Even prior to 1960, the number of songs covered by the group, still under the Quarry Men title, were as numerous as the artists from which they were covered:
“Elvis Presley (28 songs)                    The Coasters (5)
Chuck Berry (14)                                 Eddie Cochran (5)
Buddy Holly (14)                                 The Everly Brothers (5)
Little Richard (14)                              Sonny Terry & Brownie McGhee (5)
Gene Vincent (13)                               The Vipers Skiffle Group (5)
Carl Perkins (12)                                 Johnny Burnette (2)
Jerry Lee Lewis (10)                           Ray Charles (2)
Lonnie Donegan (8)                            Les Paul & Mary Ford (2)
Larry Williams (7)                               Peggy Lee (2)
Fats Domino (6)                                   Rick Nelson (2)
Duane Eddy (6)                                     Big Joe Turner (2)”
                                                                         (Everett 40)
           
                                                                                                                                                                                                        
            The popular sources for songs in Liverpool groups at this time differed from the rest of Great Britain’s skiffle scenes. There was an underlying desire on the part of Liverpool musicians to move away from the Skiffle trend exulted by new British artists like Cliff Richard and Craig Douglas in favor of songs from American R&B records. This gave the Liverpool scene a stylistic edge over others and helped to strengthen the wide array of music performed in that scene. Groups were always swapping songs and very conscious of which songs were played by whom. Many groups sought out alternate numbers to ones being played by other bands. It became common to trade certain songs for others between groups. Creating arrangements for songs became a common practice among Liverpool’s bands as well as the adoption of lesser-known B-side material and older standards from the swing and early jazz era like “It Ain’t Necessairly So”, “I Got Rhythm”, and “Sweet Georgia Brown”.
             More commonly adopted numbers by the Beatles at the threshold of their Hamburg excursion were “Long Tall Sally”, “Roll Over Beethoven”, “Hippy Hippy Shake”, “ Be-Bop-A-Lua”, and “My Bonnie”. The Beatles first stint in Hamburg featured them as primarily a cover band although John and Paul had been writing a fair amount of original material, “Like Dreamers Do”, “The One after 909”, “I’ll Follow the Sun”, and “When I’m Sixty Four” to name a few, which they inevitably included to fill out their long sets.  A number of title-less “scat” tunes over simple blues forms were also used for spontaneous performance. By the time the Beatles left for Hamburg, they had codified their repertoire by omitting most of the old Skiffle tunes and a few instrumentals. The approximate number of cover songs was one hundred and ninety one. With this list and with additions of original songs and other new releases, the Beatles were able to accumulate five hundred hours of on-stage time in four months. The Hamburg undertaking allowed them to not only develop as a live band but also to hone their skills at learning and incorporating new material in a very short amount of time. This would prove a useful tool as their future during Beatlemania would consist of rapid and grueling touring schedules followed by the recording of full albums within very narrow windows of time.  
             In addition to the Beatles’ iconic image of mop top hair and matching outfits, their instruments were also very much apart of the image. But the Beatles didn’t always have the signature Rickenbocker guitars and Vox amplifiers. As the Quarry Men they didn’t even possess working amplifiers. Their first excursion out of the British Isles saw them with their first collection of presentable and functional equipment. The most flashy piece of gear the band had by this time were Pete Best’s drums, a blue mother-of-pearl British Premier kit with a calfskin cover, twenty four inch kick drum, hi-hat, snare, a ride cymbal, single tom, and a floor tom. John’s talented artist friend, Stu Sutcliffe, had purchased a hollow-bodied President bass with a small, 12 watt Watkins Westminster amp with a ten inch speaker. Upon arriving in Hamburg, John was using a Hofner Club 40 he barrowed and would later purchase his first American built guitar, his pre-Beatlemania 1958 Rickenbacker Capri, while in Hamburg. John also purchased a 14 watt Fender Deluxe “Tweed” amp. George would arrive in Hamburg with a Futurama guitar and after sharing a Truvoice amplifier with John, would eventually purchase a 14 watt Gibson “Les Paul” with a 12 inch cone. Paul came to Hamburg with his recently acquired red Rosetti Solid 7 and an Elpico amp, the largest of the others.
                                                                    A Gig in the Life
             On August 16th, 1960, the Beatles along with Allan Williams left Liverpool for Hamburg in Williams’ van. They crossed the English Channel by ferry and arrived in Arnhem, Holland where John shoplifted his first harmonica during a pit stop to later add to the Beatles’ instrumentation. They arrived in the city itself as the sun was setting and the nightlights were coming on. The first visual introduction for John, Paul, George, Stu, and Pete of Hamburg was a tree-lined boulevard in the Monckebergstrasse shopping district. As they turned a corner in the van, they found themselves entering the renowned St. Pauli district: “Alas, Babylon! If ever a stage designer tried to create a set for depravity, this was it. St. Pauli rushed in on them from every direction. It resembled a carnival midway, only gaudier and more vulgar” (Spitz 207). The scene that the Beatles beheld was beyond anything they could imagine. The Reeperbahn was a sensory assault of lights, prostitutes, drunken sailors, neon-lit doorways from where live music blasted onto the streets. The Beatles could hardly contain their excitement especially when Williams pulled up in front of the Kaiserkeller. The Kaiserkeller was a nautical-themed club with an elevated stage and a functional PA system. The Beatles were awe-struck by the room and were also under the impression that this club was to be their venue of hire. It wasn’t. In fact, the Kaiserkeller’s house band was Derry & the Seniors. Williams had taken the Beatles to the Kaiserkeller only to meet Bruno Koschmider who would then show them the actual club where they would be performing.
             Koschmider’s other club, The Indra, was a few doors down the street from the Kaiserkeller but was a stark contrast. The room was much smaller, darker, and only inhabited by a few sullen, beer-drinking patrons. There were only six tables on the main floor and five sitting booths against the wall. The stage was nothing more than a stack of wooden apple crates covered on top with two by fours and with no microphones or a PA. The walls were decorated with dusty red curtains and the bar’s carpeting was old. Any disappointment the band felt toward the venue was strongly rivaled by their disgust with the living accommodations they were provided. In addition to the Indra and the Kaiserkeller, Koschmider owned a movie theater called the Bambi Kino where the principal films of choice were gangster films, westerns, and pornography flicks. The Beatles would reside in three hovel-like storage closets in the hallway behind the movie theater’s screen. For light, each room contained a light bulb fixture hanging from the ceiling. The bands’ sleeping accommodations were nothing more than folding cots, the bedding for which was supplied later at the insistence of Allan Williams. The filth of the rooms was augmented by the presence of human feces covered by old newspapers. The band were not given any towels and had to use the theater’s public bathrooms along with the patrons.
             Koschmider had hired the Beatles to help turn the Indra from what it was, a a low-key bar and strip club, into an active rock club. He felt that all the Indra needed was a British band. He had contracted the Beatles to perform four hours a night on weeknights and six hours a night on weekends. Each musician would receive thirty deutschmarks per day. For the Beatles who had come from a music scene where bands did short, often only twenty minute long sets, this was a daunting expectation. The band had also not yet codified a consistent stage act or setlist, nor had any actual rehearsals to work their new drummer, Pete, into the dynamic, not to mention Stu’s painfully slow development as a bass player. They were essentially unprepared as a group and as performers for this engagement, but between John, Paul, and George, there was an extensive roster of rock and roll standards that allowed for a forty-five minute set to be assembled without playing any of the selected songs twice. There was still a tremendous amount of work to be done not only for their musical situation but also for their stage presence situation. Their inexperience with stage presence didn’t make for the spectacle that Koschmider expected. The band would stand motionless and recite one song after another as if in a rehearsal room. The band also had to share the stage time with the club’s employed stripper whom most of the people in the club had come to see.
             The Indra, though small, was clearly not getting turn out. For Koschmider and other proprietors of the Reeperbahn’s club selection, this was the most important function of a band, to draw in a crowd and keep them there. Koschmider contacted Williams about the Beatles lack of entertainment value and persuaded Williams to come to Hamburg to instruct them. Williams was also rather disappointed in the band when he secretly stood and watched in the back of the club. After instructing them to spice up their show he returned to Liverpool only again receive a contact from Koschmider about the Beatles’ uninteresting and ineffective live show. Returning for a second time to Hamburg, Williams realized his managerial words had not made a difference. Frusterated, Williams and Koschmider began shouting “Mach Schau!” or “Make a Show!” at the band. The following moment as described by Bob Spitz is a fine example of the effect that Hamburg would have on the Beatles, helping to change them into something different from what they were before:
“Make a show: it sounded completely inappropriate for rock ‘n roll. John couldn’t stop snickering. He lurched around the stage in mock-theatrics, diving toward the mike and duck-walking like Chuck Berry or dropping into a split . . . Paul raised his guitar as though fencing with John . . . he made pass after pass, speeding up, slowing down . . . George chimed in, stamping and scrabbling his feet like a demented Cossack” (Spitz 209-210).
             Many other stage antics entered into the Beatles’ performances. Imitations of  Nazi storm troopers, goblins, and leaping around and off of the stage. The band was beginning to demonstrate their skill of adaptability and it was paying off. The raw, youthful quality of their shows were attracting entire crowds to the Indra as their notoriety began to grow on the Reeperbahn. The more popular they became the more demand was put upon them to provide constant entertainment. They began playing into the early mornings on weeknights well passed their four hour long requirement. The breaks they were supposed to have every forty-five minutes were really just on-stage pauses to sip from a drink or discuss the next several songs. The patrons showed their appreciation for the Beatles by passing them pint after pint of beer, as is cultural custom, especially in the St. Pauli district, to never refuse. The Beatles were completely submerged in a daily gauntlet of rigor with an astounding lack of necessary rest, food, or accommodation. The band played into the early mornings everyday with sometimes only a few hours of sleep. They would be woken by the sound of the films playing on the Bambi Kino’s screen. In the theater’s bathroom they sometimes could obtain means for a sponge bath but never a real bath or shower. Their breakfast consisted of a bowl of cornflakes and the only other food they could obtain other than a common meat with onion dish at the Indra, was from a sailors’ mission where the owner would give them free or discounted meals often consisting of chicken soup.
             Although they devoted many of their free hours to working on their repertoire, they would occasionally venture around the city to take in the sights. They never strayed very far as they would quickly return to the Reeperbahn and the Indra for the night of long, ferocious performing. One of the band’s most valued comforts was the availability of Preludin, “prellys” which were amphetamines both cheap and available. In fact, most of the prellys the band consumed were acquired for free from a German lady named Rosa who worked as the Indra’s bathroom attendant. Even after their night at the Indra was done, they would not always head back to the Bambi Kino but instead traverse the landscape of hedonistic debauchery and entertainment that the St. Pauli district had to offer. The contrast of Liverpool with Hamburg was jarring for the Beatles in every aspect. In Liverpool, girls were reserved and more demanding to court but on the Reeperbahn and the Herberstrasse both girls and women threw themselves at men, especially young foreign men, as casually as offering someone a cigarette. After a long night of drinking, performing, and ingesting prellys, the Beatles would venture into the arms of barmaids, waitresses, working girls, and other female customers. Being young, attention grabbing rock musicians, free sex was not hard to come by. The amount of sex the band consumed would eventually result in the acquiring of various venereal infections. When Allan Williams came to Hamburg to visit them he would often provide necessary examinations and medications that would aid just long enough for them to go out and become infected all over again. The Beatles’ Hamburg lifestyle was wrought with scant sleep, long uninterrupted hours of performing, physical stage antics, unsubstantial food consumption, sex, and most importantly, the sharpening of their technique, performance chops, group dynamic, and over-all musicianship. Their performances had taken on a spectacle quality as the audiences found their visceral and unpredictable nature very appealing. Their musical sound while still raw, was rapidly picking up pace. It was loud and gritty as any lack of technique was coupled with shear force of enthusiasm to create one large machine-like sound that got the people moving and dancing. Bob Spitz says of the Beatles’ rapidly developing talent: “Exceptionally conscientious about expanding their appeal, they worked as painstakingly as engineers, constructing a set of songs needed to engage the fitful crowds” (Spitz 212).
             Bruno Koschmider was very impressed with the progress that the Beatles were making as a crowd-drawing act. With the Indra’s capacity filled every night, Koschmider began having to contend with noise complaints from nearby residences. This coincided with his decision to send Derry & the Seniors back to Liverpool as they were exhausted from their own long stint. He then promoted Rory Storm & the Hurricanes, with Richard Starky on drums, as the house band. Koschmider had decided to cut his losses and close the Indra. The Beatles were promoted to playing the Kaiserkeller underneath Rory Storm’s band as well as having their contract extended for the engagement. The Kaiserkeller was certainly a step up from the Indra in its size and décor but also hosted a rougher crowd. Koschmider employed the services of bouncers to provide crowd control, which almost always meant pulling an unruly customer out into the back alley and working them over with batons. The head bouncer, Horst Fascher, kept a watchful eye over the Beatles, especially John, ready to protect them at any moment from potential violence to which they would inadvertently expose themselves. Outside of the Kaiserkeller was another story. One of the mythic accounts of this period claimed that while sharing the Kaiserkeller bill with Rory Storm & the Hurricanes who were also employed at the club, the two bands had a contest between them of who could actually stomp a hole in the stage. Rory Storm and his band won and the Beatles treated them to some drinks at a more expensive bar after the show. Discovering that his stage was damaged, Koschmider sent a group of his cronies to rough up both of the bands. The ensuing brawl between Koschmider’s men and the joint opposition of the Beatles and the Hurricanes did not produce any serious injuries and was followed by a truce which kept the arrangements of the engagement going. As the Beatles began performing at the Kaiserkeller, they began to take part in some musical competition with Rory Storm & the Hurricanes. The Hurricanes eventually had their flashy, Liverpool-esc act out matched by the Beatles command of the stage and their sharp musicality. The Beatles had begun to resort to even more outlandish stage antics including Paul performing in a bed sheet toga, and George wearing a toilet seat around his neck, and John performed his usual beer and prelly-induced antagonization of the audience. The intensity of the evenings at the Kaiserkeller grew and grew. The smoke filled club would be packed as both bands pulled out the stops and the atmosphere became a dense interaction of sound and motion. Rory Storm and his band realized that it was becoming harder for them to hold a candle to the Beatles’ performance.  
             Everything was progressing for the Beatles with the exception of two things. The first was the condition of their clothes. The Beatles were always conscious of dressing sharply as was Liverpool the bands’ style.  They had arrived in Hamburg attired in matching suits consisting of lilac-colored sports coats with black button-up shirts with silver collars, black slacks, and crocodile skin pointed shoes called “winkle pickers”. Performing sweat-drenched in them every night had begun to cause them to decay. They were able to have small repairs done on them by Rosa, the Indra’s bathroom attendant, but the suits weren’t getting any better. Unable to afford department store prices, the Bealtes were tipped off by Tony Sheridan about a store called the Texas Shop, which sold cheaper material. The store’s content was primarily leather outfits including bomber jackets, boots, and leather trousers. The Beatles purchased themselves a new look, which was more reminiscent of the Marlon Brando and James Dean image. The black leather attire also complimented their new reputation as did the nickname that St. Pauli’s patrons had bestowed upon them: verruckt Beatles, or “crazy Beatles”. The other issue of arrested progression for the Beatles was that of their living conditions. As they became more aware of the progress they were making in providing crowds for Koschmider, they were also asking for better accommodations, including an increase in pay. Koschmider, being a stingy business owner with no interest in anything but making money, evaded the band’s requests. It was this that led to their decision to start playing another club owned by one of Koschmider’s business rivals. This decision would mark the beginning of the end of their first Hamburg journey.
                                                                    Astrid & Klaus
              Klaus Voorman often ventured into the St. Pauli district as he lived in an apartment nearby and enjoyed walking to the harbor city’s harbor. The St. Pauli district was a hub for outsiders: tourists, sailors, and musicians. There were a number of locals who were addicted to its bounty of hedonistic entertainment but Hamburg’s citizenry at large did not spend much time there. Although he passed through the neighborhood, he rarely entered any of the businesses. On one evening he made an exception and entered a club called the Kaiserkeller after hearing some amazing rock ‘n roll coming through the entrance. Despite feeling dubious, Klaus entered the Kaiserkeller and sat at a table watching Rory Storm & the Hurricanes finish their set and decided to stick around for the next band. Klaus Voorman was a gifted illustrator and art student at the Meister Schule art academy in Hamburg. He had particular interest in designing and illustrating album covers. He had a genuine passion for rock ‘n roll though had seen very little of it performed live. His girlfriend with whom he lived had very little interest in the music.
             Astrid Kirchherr was also an artist, a photographer, with a personal style all her own. She wore her blonde hair short around her head and dressed in exclusively black clothing often with leather boots and frocks. Jazz was her music of choice and she and Klaus were members of an exclusive art circle in Hamburg known as the “Exis”, for existentialists, who valued art forms that exhibited intellect, beauty, ascetic and avant-garde qualities. Astrid never ventured into the St. Pauli district until Klaus told her about the band he had discovered there. Klaus persuaded Astrid to accompany him to the Kaiserkeller. They watched the Bealtes perform and Astrid became immediately enchanted with them and especially with Stu Sutcliffe. “For me, seeing them was like a dream come true. I was always longing to take pictures of boys who looked like them, but I had never met any before…All I wanted was to be with them and to know them” (Pritchard, Lysaght 47). After biding their time, Klaus and Astrid worked up the nerve to introduce themselves to the band. They were timid at first but were quickly made comfortable by the Beatles personable nature. 
             The Beatles found Klaus and Astrid’s interest in them to be very flattering and were also enthusiastic to meet two locals who were not of the usual crowd of patrons and musicians they encountered. Astrid’s interest in the band’s aesthetic persuaded her to ask if they would be interested in being photographed. The Beatles had never been professionally photographed before let alone even offered. They agreed to meet Astrid at noon the next day in the Der Dom city park. It was here that Astrid took the most iconic photos of the band prior to Beatlemania. The first professional photo shoot of the band portrayed them with the elements of mystery and existential intrigue with which Astrid saw and captured them. The photos were of the band at the height of their early rock ‘n roll period calling themselves “the Beatles” yet nothing like the image that their name evokes to the world today. Astrid’s relationship to the band deepened, especially with Stu Sutcliffe. Her relationship with Klaus was coming to an end and her infatuation with Stu quickly turned romantic. For Stu the feeling was mutual. A talented artist himself, he was drawn to Hamburg’s art scene and its art academies in particular. Although he was on a detour as a bass playing rock musician, painting was where his heart truly lay.
              Being artists, he and Astrid began influencing one another in little ways. Astrid was designing and adding to Stu’s wardrobe. She eventually persuaded him to let her re-style his hair in a popular French fashion that would become the mop top “Beatles hair cut” adopted by all of the band members. Even after Stu Sutcliffe’s death, the Beatles’ relationship with Astrid and Klaus would continue with each of their four return trips to Hamburg. Despite the constraints of their later fame, the band would see Astrid again and use her and Stu and their relationship as subject matter for “Baby’s in Black” off of their fourth album Beatles for Sale. Klaus Voorman would later be employed to design the album cover for Revolver. The Beatles’ relationship with Astrid and Klaus would become one of the pinnacle events in their development and their legend.
                                                        
                                                   Eviction from Hamburg
             The Beatles’ first Hamburg trip, though life changing for the group, would come to an anticlimactic, and rather disappointing end. The full effects of the time spent playing in the St. Pauli district would not materialize and make themselves apparent until well after the band returned to Liverpool. The falling out with Bruno Koschmider was due to the band’s inability to convince him of giving them better living conditions and wages. The other culprit was the opening of a new club on the Reeperbahn called the Top Ten Club, owned by Peter Eckhorn. The Top Ten almost immediately began competing with other venues. The Beatles weren’t the only ones to feel that greener pastures lay with better employment than that of Koschmider. Rory Storm & the Hurricanes had already been hired as the Top Ten Club’s house band. Even the bouncer Horst Fascher and Rosa the bathroom attendant had re-employed themselves at the Top Ten. The Beatles saw from Rory Storm’s experience that they too could receive farer employment and accommodation if they could persuade Eckhorn to hire them. This prospect infuriated Koschmider who had pointed out a special condition of his contract with the Beatles that prevented them from playing in any club not owned by Koschmider within a twenty-five mile radius. Koschmider is said to have even turned the reminder into a threat that the Beatles would not be safe in the St. Pauli district if they left his employ.
              Unfortunately for Koschmider, the contract was technically up in early December and the Beatles felt no inclination to heed his warnings. Not only did Peter Eckhorn agree to hire them, he provided them with much better sleeping arrangments than Koschmider had. The hovel-like rooms with folding cots were replaced with an actual bedroom above the Top Ten Club with bunk beds and a bathroom. It seemed to the Beatles that they had successfully improved their situation until the next morning German police arrived at the Top Ten looking for George. Hamburg had a strict curfew ordinance in the St. Pauli district for people under the legal age of eighteen. George who was seventeen had skirted under the authoritie’s radar as had the whole band for not having actual work permits. Enraged at the Beatles’ defection, Koschmider had informed the Hamburg police that George was under age. The result was George’s immediate deportation from Germany. Stu and Astrid accompanied him to the train station, sending him off with a sack of apples and biscuits to last him the journey.
             Meanwhile, despite having lost the band’s featured guitarist, they were determined to stick it out at the Top Ten. Paul and Pete went over to the Bambi Kino to retrieve the last of their belongings. Upon entering the hallway behind the screen, they found it too dark to see and so improvised some temporary lighting by setting fire to some condoms Paul had. They pinned the burning condoms to the wall which gave them just enough light to grab their belongings and leave. The next morning, the Hamburg Police arrested Paul and Pete and held them for twenty four hours at the Reeperbahn police station on charges of attempted arson. The charge which was most likely that of Koschmider’s, was lifted and the two were released with orders to leave Germany immediately. Paul and Pete were on a flight back to Great Britain so fast that they weren’t able to retrieve their any of their belongings including Pete’s new drum kit. Only John and Stu remained but with no other choice but to return home as well. Stu chose to stay behind in Hamburg with Astrid but John took the train. Upon finally arriving at his Aunt Mimi’s home, he threw pebbles at her window until she opened the door. John pushed passed her telling her to pay the cab driver that had brought him. When Mimi demanded to know where all of the money was that John had claimed he would earn in Hamburg, John replied: “Just like you, Mimi, to go on about one hundred pounds a week when you know I’m tired.”
                                                    Aftermath at Litherland
              A sullen mood hung over the Beatles upon their return to Liverpool after four months in the St. Pauli district in Hamburg. The experience was like a dream that had ended abruptly as if the dreamer was rudely awakened. They had returned with no earnings from their long engagement at the Indra and the Kaiserkeller, having spent it all on the temptations of the Reeperbahn. The sense of disappointment, failure, and the prospect of never being able to return to Hamburg due to the legal snags was cause of great depression in John who spent several days lying in bed and not leaving his room. The only person he received was Cynthia who doted upon him. Paul finally gave into his father’s advice about getting a day job. He felt there was no other recourse available since the band had ground to a halt. He got a job with a package delivery company. George was sitting idly at home with there being no playing opportunities for him. Paul eventually contacted John just before Christmas and they went together to see Allan Williams who was once again having problems of his own.
             Williams had attempted to open a Liverpool club named after Hamburg’s Top Ten but the property for the club had been burned down. The only club still in operation it seemed was Mona Best’s Casbah Club. The Beatles finally got together for a return performance. Compared to the decadence of the Hamburg clubs, the Casbah was significantly unintimidating. There was no alcohol, fighting, or boisterous crowds, which was all the Beatles had known for the last four months. Their performance reflected this even though many of the people attending the performance didn’t remember them very clearly especially under the title for the event “The fabulous Beatles direct from Hamburg”. It seemed to come as a surprise to the audience that this band was actually John, Paul, George, and Pete, or as they remembered them, the Quarry Men and Pete from the Blackjacks. The attendees were struck by the band’s appearance in leather jackets and pants with the mop top hairstyles. Pete Best remembered the reaction despite this confusion: “After the first number, the kids went wild. They forgot where we came from and who we were. We were The Beatles. That’s all that mattered, and it went on from there” (Pritchard, Lysaght 52).  
             It was agreed that the Beatles were the best band to have ever played the Casbah. Already, even after an unhappy hiatus, the band brought their newly honed brand of rock ‘n roll back to Liverpool.  Bob Wooler was a Liverpool disc jockey who had partnered with Allan Williams to establish Liverpool’s Top Ten Club. After losing the club to fire, Wooler went to work for promoter Brian Kelley who booked town hall dances at Lathom Hall, Aintree Institute, and Litherland Hall. Williams asked Wooler to persuade Kelley to book a concert for the Beatles at one of the halls. Kelley later agreed and booked the Beatles, although he had remembered seeing them perform before going to Hamburg and did not remember being all that impressed. The date was December 27th, 1960. The crowd was large and the Beatles, once again booked under the Hamburg title, launched into a roaring version of “Long Tall Sally” as soon as they were announced. Kelley immediately realized he could have made much more money on the show in ticket sales. While the number of attendees was at a large capacity for dancing, the crowd did not dance but flocked in rapped attention directly to the edge of the stage leaving most of the dance floor vacant.
             The Beatles had such an impact on the audience that many agree the Litherland performance saw the first manifestation of the Beatlemania hysteria when the band was mobbed by girls outside in the parking lot and their van was decorated with messages of praise in lipstick. “The crowd was as stunned as I . . . But they were transfixed, and they were drawn as if by a magnate, toward the stage . . . They hadn’t heard anything like it” (Pritchard, Lysaght 55). From this point on the Beatles notoriety and success would climb higher and faster. The success of the Litherland Hall concert would create a productive collaboration with Bob Wooler who would continue booking the Beatles for town hall shows and helping spread their name around Liverpool. It wasn’t long before they began making better than average money for bands in Liverpool. The notoriety of the band’s town hall shows would spread to Ray McFall, owner of the Cavern Club, who with the proposition from Mona Best, would eventually book the Beatles into their next great engagement. The band would eventually return to Hamburg from March to July of 1961 to perform at the Top Ten Club. They would return to Hamburg again three more times after that, but it was the first Hamburg excursion in the fall of 1960 that acted as the springboard from which the other advances in their career would fall into place and build upon one another. So much about the first Hamburg trip shows a different band with style and tendency far removed from what was later to become associated with them and their name. The Beatles in Hamburg in 1960 were an entirely different incarnation whose tale is as captivating as their eventual rise to the Beatles of history.







                                                        Bibliography
                                                      Written Sources
-Brown, Peter & Gaines, Steven. The Love You Make: An Insider’s Story of the Beatles. New York, St. Louis, San Francisco, Toronto, Mexico: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1983.
-Everett, Walter. The Beatles As Musicians: The Quarry Men through Rubber Soul. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, Inc. 2001.
-Spitz, Bob. The Beatles: The Biography. New York, Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2005.
-Norman, Philip. SHOUT!: The Beatles in Their Generation. New York: Fireside (Simon & Schuster, Inc.), 1981.
-Pritchard, David & Lysaght, Alan. The Beatles: An Oral History. New York: Hyperion, 1998.
-McKinney, Devin. The Beatles: In Dream and History. Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press, 2003.
                                                                    Online Sources
“History of Hamburg”
www.motherearthtravel.com
                                                                      

Robert Johnson: Man Behind the Myth


            An in-depth study of Robert Johnson reveals how little is actually known in public circles or common knowledge about who he really was, what made him the musician he was, and what made him the legend he later became. Little is known about the details of his life yet there is great legend and mystery surrounding his music. While researching Robert Johnson, I found that his life and his music are inextricably linked and the understanding of who Robert was as a person, how he was remembered by those few who were close enough to him, where he went, what he did, what he could do musically and publicly reveal a tremendous amount about the man beneath the legend and the music that made him so. Although there is more information about the details of his life than many are aware, the information stands proportional to the picture it reveals about Robert’s life. Even to his close friends, relatives, musicians, and social associates, there was much about Robert that was a mystery. What is documented is the best that anyone could expect from such a naturally elusive figure. It is my intention to represent Robert Johnson’s story and music in a manner that will shed more light on how and why he is as important as he is to the Delta blues tradition, later blues traditions, and to the retaining of certain West African cultural traditions in the Afro-American cultural context.
            I conducted my research with what I feel are the two most thorough and relevant, or primary, texts on Robert Johnson: An essay by Rolling Stone magazine journalist and respected blues author Peter Guralnick, Searching for Robert Johnson, provides a tremendous amount of biographical information on his life. The second source by author and recording artist of African American music, Samuel Charters’ Robert Johnson, provides greater information about his music through detailed transcriptions of his recordings. A third, detailed yet brief source, is the companion booklet from the dual compact disc set of Robert Johnson: The Complete Recordings. The essay, by music historian, photographer, and record collector, Stephen C. LaVere, provides much elaboration of the details and stories of Robert’s life covered in the Guralnick and Charters texts. Likewise, the other sources I investigated apart from those these primary texts, provided some of the basic focal points with further details but rarely any information that surpasses that of the primary sources. These include various Internet sources as well as excerpts from the companion book of Martin Scorsese’s 2003 documentary The Blues. Both of these sources do not delve into as nearly as much detail and factual information as the Guralnick and Charters texts.          
           Comparison of limited information from numerous sources only few of which are as concise as others can lead to conflicts in data comparison. In my research of Robert Johnson I found this to usually manifest in displacement of information in one source that was present in another. This was displayed in several Internet sources, with one such website for the Robert Johnson Blues Foundation mentioning a biological son of Robert named Claude, but which no other source, even the Guralnick and Charters or otherwise, corroborated any son other than Robert’s stepson, Robert Jr. Lockwood. It was not all that difficult to reconcile informational conflicts with such a figure as Robert Johnson of whom so little is commonly known that all concise sources, while elaborative on details, stay consistent to the main points of fact. Francis Bebey’s African Music: A People’s Art helped me to draw an anthropological connection between the country blues era Mississippi Delta and West Africa to expose underlying retentions that could be contextualized with Robert Johnson. The investigation of the musical sources was less frenetic. The compact disc collection, Robert Johnson: The Complete Recordings , provided the bulk of recorded material from which I could corroborate information  found in the texts. I was also able to draw elements of Robert’s guitar playing and singing from the recordings, which I transcribed directly to my instrument for use in my oral presentation. I also consulted an Internet source via Youtube.com, which featured blues musician and revivalist, Roy Rogers demonstrating elements of Robert’s guitar work, in order to further corroborate what I heard in the recordings.   
            The first research into Robert Johnson’s life was conducted by, folklorist and ethnomusicologist, Alan Lomax in 1959. His excursion to the American South was focused on collecting the folk music of Southern blacks. In the process, Lomax managed to discover such blues legends as Mississippi Fred McDowell and a direct influence of  Johnson’s, Son House. The bulk of knowledge about Robert Johnson’s life was eventually discovered by another folklorist names Mack McKormick, who in the late sixties and early seventies, managed to unearth Robert Johnson’s sisters, widow, stepson, as well as the original photographs of Robert and his death certificate. All of these facts and details about Robert’s life would be compiled into books by authors, Peter Guralnick and Samuel Charters. Robert’s surviving sister was found in Washington DC. Her memories of Robert were of him as a child and younger sibling. Charters interviewed residents of the Delta region and when asked about their memories of Robert, would only recount vague details about several different individuals going by the name ‘Robert’ or ‘Johnson’. Most of the sources of facts about Robert Johnson, the man, all agree on the common points of his life from his place of birth, travels, family history, encounters, and time and place of death.
            Robert was born on May 8th, 1911 outside of Hazelhurst, Mississippi, the fourteenth, and illegitimate, child of Julia Major Dodds and Noah Johnson. Julia was married at the time to Charles Dodds, a landowner who would later change his name to Spencer after leaving Hazelhurst. Dodds relocated out of necessity to Memphis where Julia would end up sending their children, including Robert, to live with him. Because Julia had had Robert out of wedlock with another man, Charles Dodds Spencer would not accept her back as his wife. Under the stigma of being born illegitimate in an already harsh and repressive society, Robert would spend his childhood relocating as well as changing his last name several times before adopting the last name of his biological father. Robert’s time living with his mother’s former husband would be short, yet
productive as he is said to have learned a few guitar rudiments from his brother Leroy during this period. He would soon rejoin his mother to live with her and her new husband, Dusty Willis, in Robinsonville. Robert would begin his musical lifestyle by playing the harmonica. He continued to learn Delta-styles on the guitar by observing performances by bluesmen Willie Brown and Charley Patton. In 1930, Robert married sixteen year-old Virginia Travis who became pregnant with their first child. Robert’s expectations for his future would be dashed when Virginia died in childbirth. Having lost his wife and his child, Robert turned to music and the guitar.
            Willie Brown was soon joined in the Robinsonville juke joint circuit by legendary preacher and bluesman, Son House. Robert was tremendously impacted by Son House’s emotional style of playing and would ultimately be most affected in his own music by House’s influence. Robert became enamored with watching Son House and Willie Brown perform at the local juke joints and would often sneak out of the house at night where he lived with his mother and stepfather. This led to conflict especially with his stepfather Dusty Willis who was a hard working field laborer with no affinity for music. The evenings spent with House and Brown at the juke joints would foster one of the most commonly known stories about Robert Johnson. Although he idolized the playing of House and Brown, Robert’s own abilities on the guitar were still very underdeveloped and limited. While House and Brown would be on a set break, Robert would pick up one of their guitars and start playing. The crowd, not being impressed by his performance, would become disgruntled and start booing until someone would walk up to House and Brown and demand they retrieve the guitar from Robert. Neither House nor Brown were amused by these events and although they genuinely liked Robert, they had low opinions about his prospects of being a musician. Faced with the realization of staying under his stepfather’s roof and potentially leading the life of a sharecrop farmer, Robert decided that a life as a musician was more suitable and desirable. Popular folklore about Robert Johnson cites a year long period of his life where he seemingly disappeared only to emerge as a master guitar-plying bluesman. It is often thought that this was when he allegedly sold his soul to the devil. In reality, there is no undocumented period of this kind. More in-depth sources reveal that Robert left home to return to the town of his birth, Hazelhurst, where he began cutting his performance chops at juke joints, lumber camps, and street corners. He also began taking lessons from another principle influence, Ike Zinnerman.
            Robert would also marry for a second time to Calletta “Callie” Craft. Robert sought her out for her devotion and ability to care for him, which would become a pattern of Robert’s with future women. Robert’s interest in women rivaled that of his interest in music. As fellow bluesman and student of Robert, Johnny Shines remembers: “Women to Robert…were like motel or hotel rooms: even if he used them repeatedly he left them where he found them…he loved them all. He preferred older women in their thirties…because the older ones would pay his way”(Guralnick, 24). Robert would ultimately leave Callie to return to Robinsonville. Here is where the other half of the best-known story about Robert continues. Son House and Willie Brown were still playing in Robinsonville and had not heard from or seen Robert since he had left for Hazelhurst. One night Robert walked into a juke joint they were playing and approached them. Still dubious about Robert’s playing ability, House and Brown began to tease him for having a guitar with him. “ ‘Well, boy, you still got a guitar, huh? What do you do with that thing? You can’t do nothing with it.’ He said…’let me have your seat a minute.’ So I said, ‘All right, and you better do something with it, too,’ and I winked my eye at Willie. So he sat down there and finally got started. And man! He was so good! When he finished, all our mouths were standing open”(Charters, 8). Robert stayed around in Robinsonville for a little longer receiving instruction some further instruction from Son House and playing in juke joints. He then began a traveling spree around Mississippi and establishing lasting personal and musical connections is Memphis, Helena, and Greenwood. In Helena, Robert began a relationship with another older woman named Estella Coleman. In return for her care and kindness, Robert became a close mentor to her son, Robert Jr. (later known as Robert Jr. Lockwood). Their relationship developed to the point that Robert took on a stepfatherly role to Robert Jr. who idolized him. Lockwood would go on to become a Chicago bluesman signed with Chess Records as a result of the Robert imparting virtually all of his guitar knowledge onto him. “ ‘Robert Johnson was my beginning. He came along and taught me how to play…Really my ambition was to play a piano until Robert came along. He was doing such a good job with the guitar I just switched’”(Charters, 11).
            Robert’s travels would take him as far as Chicago, St. Louis, Detroit, and New York where he was reputed to expand his musical practices by playing in several small ensembles, though he would almost exclusively perform solo, Robert is known to have increased his circle of musical associates to include the most notable names of Sonny Boy Williamson, Peetie Wheatstraw, Robert Nighthawk, Honey Boy Edwards, Henry Townsend, and Johnny Shines to whom Robert would become a personal mentor. Shines would become a principle source in Mack McCormick’s research bringing to light many different aspects of Robert’s musical practices. As a bona fide, professional musician, Robert traveled widely and therefore had to have a tremendous amount of repertoire at his disposal. “By Johnny Shine’s account, Robert Johnson was as likely to perform ‘Tumbling Tumbleweeds’ or the latest Bing Crosby hit as one of his own compositions. ‘You didn’t play what you liked; you played what the people liked. That’s what you had to do.’…Johnson possessed a singular facility not only for discovering what the people liked but for learning a tune simply by hearing it once on the radio or jukebox”(Guralnick, 22). In addition to an advanced repertoire, Robert was also a masterful purveyor of multiple styles like ragtime, popular tunes, Hillbilly tunes, waltz and polkas. He could also imitate the styles of his fellow blues musicians like Lonnie Johnson, Blind Willie McTell, country-singer Jimmy Rodgers, Blind Boy Fuller, Blind Blake, and of course Son House. Robert also had a very astute entertainer’s sense and he knew how to captivate and charm an audience. As a person, Robert was very well liked as Johnny Shines remembers: “Robert was one of those fellows who was warm in every respect…it’s natural for men not to like a musician too much. But Robert was a fellow very well liked by women and men”(Guralnick, 20). Robert’s affinity for women was apparent to his peers and although Robert had a great amount of charm, he ran risks by overtly pursuing so many women in environments of potential hostility coupled with alcohol consumption. Son House had warned him of the dangers of flirtations with random women at juke joint parties in the past. Nevertheless, Robert had gained a reputation in some circles for these tendencies.
           The path to Robert Johnson’s recording career begins with H.C. Speir, a record store owner in Jackson, Mississippi. Speir was also a talent scout for ARC and had his own recording studio in his store. Many musicians would pass by his record store and audition for an opportunity to record and many of the great bluesmen did including Son House, Skip James, Tommy Johnson, and Charley Patton. After hearing Robert’s playing, Speir sent word about him to Ernie Oertle, another talent scout for ARC. Oertle commissioned Robert for a recording session to take place in San Antonio, Texas. Samuel Charters breaks down the number of recording sessions in which Robert Johnson’s twenty-nine total sides were created into five different sessions based on days: three in San Antonio, Texas on November 23rd, 26th, and 27th of 1936 and two in Dallas, Texas on June 19th and 20th of 1937. Other sources divide the number of sessions into two, by the months and the years. What is known about the sessions themselves comes mainly from producer Don Law. Robert was not the only musician there for the recording session, several other groups were also recording. The presence of other musicians in that environment put Robert into a mood he was often known for when he felt self-conscious about playing for people he knew could analyze what he was doing on the instrument. This was a common trait in some country blues players, notably Skip James as well. Don Law himself was quoted: “… ‘suffering from a bad case of stage fright, Johnson turned his back to the wall, his back to the Mexican musicians. Eventually he calmed down sufficiently to play, but he never faced his audience.’”(Guralnick, 35).               
            By the completion of three days of recording in that month of November, Don Law had produced sixteen sides of Robert Johnson. Some of Robert’s most popular tunes from the three days of recording were Kind Hearted Woman Blues, Come On In My Kitchen, Crossroad Blues, Ramblin’ On My Mind, and Terraplane Blues which sold some four to five thousand units, a small but noticeable hit and Robert’s most popular tune of the time. Robert was very proud of his recordings and was quick to show them to his fellow bluesmen and family. Son House would hear Robert’s recording of Terraplane Blues, which served to impress him more at his pupil’s progress. The final two sessions took place in June of the following year, this time in Dallas, Texas. In addition to several classics like Stones In My Passway, Drunken-Hearted Man, and Love In Vain, Robert also took the opportunity to showcase a few tunes not commonly included in his public repertoire. These tunes are considered to be his darkest, and most mysterious. They have always added a tremendous amount of allure to the popular conception of Robert Johnson. They are also currently among his most popular and influential especially to later Rock n Roll players: Hellhound On My Trail, and Me And The Devil Blues.
          Once the last two sessions were complete, Robert had a few hundred dollars in cash and a collection of new recordings. The sides numbered a total of twenty- nine with three alternate takes. After the sessions Robert met up with Johnny Shines in Red Water, Texas. The two roamed around together in the north portion of the state, and then back to the southern portion, and then on to Arkansas and St. Louis. During this period, Shines remembers Robert’s reclusive, loner-styled persona taking over. “…Robert displayed a
certain uneasiness with his traveling companion. Frequently he would slip away from him, and Shines would have to guess which way he went and try to catch up with him”(LaVere, 18). The two would ultimately part ways when Robert headed back to Mississippi. During the last year of his life, Robert traveled the Delta country to his old haunts in Memphis and Helena, and spending his time playing juke joints, house parties, saloons, and street parties. Like Shines, Robert’s other associates all had their own accounts of the last time they ever saw him. Despite the murky details surrounding his demise that Charters encountered during his investigations into Robert Johnson in the 1950s, there is a general consensus on the time, place, and circumstances surrounding his death. Witness testimony, including that of Sonny Boy Williamson, exists along with a death certificate uncovered by Mack McCormick. All of the Guralnick, Charters, and LaVere texts agree that Robert Johnson was outside of Greenwood, Mississippi, at a juke joint location called Three Forks. Robert had been playing there for a few days and had struck up a flirtation with the reputed wife of the owner. Sonny Boy Williamson was also on the bill and recounted how he had noticed some animosity from fellow patrons toward Robert’s flirtations with the woman. At one point, someone handed Robert an already open, half-pint of whiskey. Although Sonny Boy discouraged him from drinking it, Robert insisted. “It wasn’t too long after Robert returned to his guitar that he soon could no longer sing. Sonny took up the slack for him with his voice and harmonica, but after a bit, Robert stopped short in the middle of a number and got up and went outside. He was sick and before the night was over, he was displaying definite signs of poisoning…”(LaVere, 22). By the end of the night Robert had to be taken by a few friends back to a house where he lay bed-ridden for three days. During those three days, in his weakened state, he contracted pneumonia and finally expired on August 16, 1938.
            The rest of the world that knew of Robert Johnson would learn of his death when Ernie Oertle was instructed by Don Law, at the instruction of John Hammond, to find Robert and ask him to participate in a showcase at Carnegie Hall organized by John Hammond called “From Spirituals to Swing”.  Don Law was skeptical that Robert would be able to play such a large production due to his displays of apparent stage fright in the studio but Hammond insisted. It wasn’t long before Oertle learned of the Robert’s fate. Three different reputed locations exist where Robert Johnson is said to rest, but the one location that has received the most acknowledgment is in a small cemetery of a church in Morgan City, Mississippi.
           What is often most striking about Robert Johnson’s recordings are the intricate nuances present in his rhythm and vocals. I found that tapping your own steady pulse in time to his music is very telling of his ability to gravitate back and forth, almost effortlessly, from the underlying pulse. The juxtaposition of his guitar work against his vocal work reveals that at times they have varying rhythmic structures, and seem almost independently executed from one another. Robert’s guitar playing is full of signature Delta-motifs; plucked or strummed, with bottleneck or slide. These motifs permeate themselves through all of his tunes, some better examples than others. Listening closely to Robert’s guitar playing one hears so much activity in the fingers and across the strings that it is truly amazing to think it is performed by a single guitar player. This was the same opinion shared by later musicians and devotees to Robert’s music, Keith Richards and Eric Clapton. Keith Richards is quoted as saying of the first time he heard a Robert Johnson record: “…I was hearing two guitars, and it took me a long time to realize he was actually doing it all by himself.”(LaVere, 25).
            Robert Johnson’s technical contributions to the blues can be pulled right out of his playing. Charters specifies several consistent elements: “Some of the accompaniments are built on triplets, or rhythms in 8ths…three line verse unit, with a four beat measure as the base rhythm…”(Charters, 24). Other sources I consulted went deeper into the technical makeup of Robert’s playing. A video clip on Youtube.com featured blues revivalist Roy Rogers talking about and demonstrating aspects of Robert Johnson’s technique. Rogers cited Johnson’s correlation of feeling and technique as what gave his music its powerful sound. Rogers demonstrates a particular motif that he describes as placing emphasis in front or behind the main beat, which roughly translates as a cross-rhythm or in some cases triplet eighth notes. After investigating that source, I listened closely to recordings of Crossroad Blues and Terraplane Blues and found the same motif. When I transcribed it to my own guitar, it felt as though I was wrapping the syncopation of the lick around the main pulse and in a way, almost rhythmically separating them. This gave me new insight into what is really going on with Robert’s playing in the recordings. On top of cross-rhythmic plucking, Robert is also layering rhythmic vocal inflections and extended call and response riffs. Another significant contribution attributed to Robert’s playing was his adaption of the left-hand Boogie Woogie piano pattern to the guitar. Later known as the Chicago Shuffle, this pattern of straight eighths was not commonly heard in any of the music of the pre-Robert Johnson Delta blues players. I Believe I’ll Dust My Broom and Kind Hearted Woman Blues are his best examples of what would ultimately become the most defining and recognizable blues motif. Also notable is Johnson’s slide guitar technique in which he is believed to have performed with a glass bottleneck. In his video, Roy Rogers demonstrated a slide concept that he attributed to Johnson. The concept that Rogers described sounded familiar to me and although I could not immediately find an example in Johnson’s recordings of the exact motif that Roger’s executed in his own stylistic adaption, I did find examples in Robert Johnson’s recordings of the interspersing of his slide phrasing with the main melodic motifs and in the accompaniment of them. A good example of this can be found in both If I Had Possession Over Judgment Day and Preachin’ Blues.
            In his article on the connections between Afro-American music and West African musical practices, Olly Wilson explains the importance of understanding Afro-American music through a contextual orientation. “It is vital to understand the concept of adaption of African practices if there is to be an understanding of Afro-American music.” (Wilson, 15). I believe that Robert Johnson’s story and music are reflective of possible African retentions that exist in the Delta-blues tradition, and in the story of Robert Johnson as the ultimate purveyor of that tradition. While Wilson’s statement is primarily in reference to technical aspects of West African music, which are of course present in Robert Johnson’s music, I felt that the implications of Wilson’s thesis also hint at an anthropological perspective on Robert Johnson and the lineage of the world he came from. After examining sources on Robert Johnson’s life and music I have found myself inferring from the information a larger picture of Johnson within the context of his place and time. I also feel that Johnson can be further understood through examining the connections to West African cultural traditions. In his book Music of Africa: A Peoples Art, Francis Bebey examines the African Griot and his place in the greater communal context of Africa. He defines the Griot as “…a living archive of his people’s traditions. But he is above all a musician, without whom, no celebration or ritual would be complete. Although the talents of these extraordinary musicians are much admired, it must be admitted that they rarely enjoy personal esteem. People fear them because they know too many secrets.”(Bebey, 24). I believe that the Griot, as an African retention, is present in the Delta blues tradition and in the bluesmen like Robert Johnson. If Johnson was the culmination of country blues then he was also the culmination of the Griot tradition in the Afro-American framework. As the Griot of West Africa is a bearer of his people’s traditions, so is the Delta bluesman. Robert Johnson’s music encapsulates a state of mind and a state of being that permeated not only the musicians, but the general community of the Mississippi Delta. Robert’s songs were not only about himself and his own experience but also that of his people and his country. He sang the pains and woes of his fellow southern blacks and lived the realities along side them. In doing so, Robert Johnson’s story takes on a direct trans-cultural element shared between the West African and Afro-American traditions that I believe places Robert Johnson, the man and the musician, in a new and disseminating light.





                                                            Bibliography
                                                        Written Sources
-Guralnick, Peter. Searching for Robert Johnson. New York: Obelisk Books, E.P. Dutton, 1989.
- Samuel. Robert Johnson. New York: Oak Publications/Embassy Music Corporation, 1973.
-LaVere, Stephen C. Robert Johnson: The Complete Recordings. New York: Sony Music Entertainment, 1990.